anarchism

Flee the state, don't seize it! A response to the idea of 'citizen politicians' in UK government

Andreas Whittam-Smith recently wrote about the possibility of 'a group of like-minded citizens running for election for one term onlyin order to bring about the requisite change that is patently needed within British politics and which, it seems increasingly clear, is not forthcoming from career politicians within the bowels of the palace of Westminster. His proposal, therefore, was one in which a better group of persons would in part replace the current cohort, as inept and frequently corrupt as they seem to be. This would be in the hope that improved personnel might be more effective 'problem-solvers' while also mediating a crisis of confidence in our democratic institutions which are, we are often told, of central importance in British public life and whose redemption is seemingly necessary.
 
As was the case with Guy Aitchison's response to the piece I am certainly sympathetic with the basic proposal and it is clear that, as Guy writes, '...the British elite stand politically, morally and ideologically bankrupt'. This is a basic point. Those contributing within the piece, myself and vast swathes of the British population share a common ground – that something has to change. This is an increasingly evident point, but also a basic premise upon which meaningful social and political change can and might be built. The institutions which govern, rule and represent us are failing at every turn.
 

Lilliburlero

Vorrei cominciare con un’immagine. Una scena del film Barry Lyndon, diretto da Stanley Kubrick. Sullo sfondo nebbioso di una campagna Europea del diciottesimo secolo, la voce fuori campo introduce l’avanzata delle giacche rosse inglesi contro la retroguardia francese, asserragliata in un frutteto. ‘Though this encounter is not recorded in any history books, it was memorable enough for those who took part.’ Secondo lo stile militare dell’epoca, la fanteria marcia lungo il prato, in file orizzontali e parallele. I Francesi sono disposti anch’essi in file, le prime inginocchiate, le seconde in piedi, le terze pronte a ricaricare i fucili. L’avanzata è lenta, estenuante, al suono dei flauti che intonano il Lilliburlero. Come direbbe il personaggio di Vincent Cassel in una banlieue di vari secoli dopo, ‘il problema non è la caduta, ma l’atterraggio’. E qui, l’atterraggio e la caduta quasi si fondono. I fanti inglesi avanzano, a passi cadenzati. Le truppe Francesi restano immobili, prendono la mira. I fanti mantengono il passo. I Francesi attendono l’ordine dei superiori. I fanti proseguono. L’ordine arriva. Fuoco. Le prime file della fanteria inglese cadono decimate. Le seconde file, imperturbabili, prendono il posto dei caduti. La marcia continua. Le truppe francesi ricaricano i fucili. Fuoco. Il prato si riempie di cadaveri vestiti in divise rosse. Le terze file si fanno avanti di nuovo. La marcia prosegue, lentissima. Fuoco.
 

Talk at KAFCA conference, Barcelona 2/12/2011

This piece derives in part from an article I wrote in October 2011, titled Recurring Dreams: the red heart of fascism. In that article, I tried to analyze two different types of debt (the money-debt and the life-debt) in the light of the history of Western capitalism and of the current financial crisis. Also, I drew a number of comparisons between the current European/American situation and the one experienced during the inter-war period by those countries defeated in WWI. I attempted to warn of a recurrence of the breeding times of fascism/nazism, in which people’s exasperation for the devastating effects of a debt crisis risks turning into the desire for a higher authority to take absolute control and impose a new order. Finally, I warned of the ‘red’ – that is, left-wing, social – core of the early 20th century versions of fascism and nazism, and I identified similar desires in vast strata of today’s left.
 
Since I wrote that text, however, things have changed. With the rise of unelected, technocratic governments in Italy and Greece, with the deepening of the crisis and the enforcement of even more austerity measures, with the waves of occupations and repression in countless countries, and, most notably, with the umpteenth split in the left, the set of dangers and opportunities, I believe, has changed. To the risk of fascism, still present in the hearts of many, especially on the populist fringes, I would like to add that of authoritarian social capitalism. To the opportunity of revolutionary politics, I would like to add that of prefigurative-politics and of anarchist reformism.
 

I am not the 99%

Numbers are the essence of our times. Science, technology, economics, even the education system of most Western countries understands its own performance in numerical terms. Anything that escapes the visual field of mathematics simply lacks the requirements to properly exist. Obversely, the more something is measurable, the more it can aspire to become a crucial element at any level of today’s life. And the bigger, the better. As if expressing the insecure masculinity that still governs the West, contemporary society seems to still be trapped within the obsession of ‘size matters’. It’s for a reason that some people call it ‘number porn’.
 

For an Emancipatory State of Exception

As the euro-mediterranean countries enter their umpteenth phase of decay, their governments are starting to consider extraordinary measures to face the situation. In Italy, on 15 October 2011, 200,000 people took to the streets to protest against the austerity measures enforced by their government. A day of mayhem followed, as the so-called ‘black bloc’ declared urban war. The smoke of petrol bombs was still lingering in the air when the right-wing Minister of the Interior declared the necessity of exceptional security regulations, promptly backed by the left-wing opposition.

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